Tradizioni culinarie italiane

La cucina napoletana, non possiamo negarlo, è sicuramente ai primissimi, posti tra le cucine italiane. Basti pensare alla pizza, ma non solo ovviamente.
In occasione della Pasqua mi piace parlare di una delle tante specialità, la 'Pizza Chiena', lasciando per una volta da parte la squisita pastiera e molte altre deliziose specialità campane.
La mia mamma è campana e non c'è Pasqua che si rispetti senza la 'Pizza salata ripiena'.

Tra i piatti salati più buoni e succulenti della tradizione campana, si classifica tra i primissimi posti della top ten la cosiddetta e famosa pizza chiena, la torta salata per eccellenza. Viene preparata per lo più nel periodo pasquale.

Le origini di questa delizia nostrana affondano all’età borbonica: era parte integrante della tipica cucina aristocratica descritta alla fine del diciottesimo secolo dal gastronomo Vincenzo Corrado. Tra le varie portate, erano molto importanti i pasticcetti rustici a base di ricotta, mozzarella e prosciutto o salame da cui deriva l’attuale pizza chiena. Per l’involucro veniva utilizzata per lo più la pasta brisée, invece nel Rinascimento aveva un involucro dolce come la pasta frolla. La prima ricetta compare nella “Cucina teorico pratica” di Cavalcanti.

Ecco la ricetta odierna tratta dal libro Frijenno Magnanno:

Ingredienti

1 kg di farina

4 uova intere

50 gr di sugna

1 panetto di lievito di birra

300 gr di prosciutto crudo

300 gr di pancetta affumicata

150 gr di parmigiano grattugiato

50 gr di formaggio romano grattugiato

Vivere all'estero

Da circa dieci anni anche io, come moltissimi italiani, ho deciso di voler vivere all'estero e poi, la situazione in cui versa l'economia italiana, la mancanza di lavoro e il sogno di un clima migliore, completano la lista dei desideri.

Arrivato ai miei cinquant'anni, con una figlia ormai grande, ci penso e sicuramente, entro la fine dell'anno, vorrei essere altrove.

Questa continua ricerca, dagli States alle Canarie, dall'Australia all'America latina, mi sono fatto un grosso bagaglio di informazioni utilissime.

Miami è sicuramente una meta molto gettonata: il mare, il sole, se pensiamo a Miami Beach, perchè Miami e Miami Beach sono due località diverse, non dimentichiamo.

Lanzarote, Tenerife e le Canarie in genere non sono da sottovalutare, anche per il basso costo della vita.

Non è una novità che molti pensionati italiani si trasferiscano alle Canarie piuttosto che in Portogallo o in Marocco.

Da oggi voglio condividere con tutti voi quest'esperienza e, nel mi piccolo, darvi tutte le informazioni possibili. 

Come fare per vivere e lavorare in America?

Quali sono i pregi e i difetti di un trasferimento alle Canarie?

Vi aspetto su questo spazio per poter condividere esperienze e, perchè no, inventarci qualcosa insieme.

Potete scrivermi a 

familiafutura@gmail.com

A presto

Cosmo

No se mata la verdad matando a periodistas

Es vital que hoy, ahora mismo, arranquemos con la lucha definitiva, la que nos llevará a la libertas. Nuestro país lo necesita. Estamos regados por el mundo y necesitamos reunirnos en los brazos de nuestra Venezuela.

No van a matar la verdad matando y persiguiendo priodistas.

No podemos dejar que sigan existiendo dictaduras en el mundo.

No queremos que nuestra Venezuela muera .

No dejemos morir a nuestra Venezuela. No dejemos morir a nuestros presos polìticos y lìderes.

Cosmo de La Fuente

Twitter @cosmodelafuente  

Instagram #kosmicosmo

(Rebelion)

Porque es necesario que el Nunca Más se enraíce en la identidad del pueblo latinoamericano, porque es urgente que la impunidad dé paso a la justicia, porque es imprescindible rescatar la Memoria Histórica de la omisión de los gobiernos derechistas, porque apremia que se vuelva desidia en un pueblo amnésico.

Porque una sociedad sin memoria es un pueblo a la deriva. Un país que desconoce su pasado y que al que le enseñaron a renegar de él, es un pueblo manipulado que obedece sin musitar el mandato de los traidores.

Porque no es posible lanzar al olvido las vidas de los incondicionales a la verdad y a la justicia. Porque son miles los desaparecidos, porque son tantas las fosas clandestinas donde lloran los sueños truncados. Porque quedamos huérfanos de la verdad, de la honradez y del amor humano.

Es vital que la Memoria Histórica sea parte de nuestro día a día, que se reitere constantemente la verdad escondida por el estado, la otra verdad de los mártires y de los torturados. La de los sobrevivientes a aquella atrocidad sangrienta. Porque una Latinoamérica bajo la opresión de dictaduras militares no va hacia ningún lugar, se seca, se muere. Es una Latinoamérica marchita. Subordinada, reducida a cenizas.

Porque los Derechos Humanos no pueden ser arrancados de nuestro ímpetu libertario. Porque no nos pueden seguir negando el derecho al desarrollo. Porque nuestra tierra milenaria no puede ser transgredida por oligarcas en beneficio del imperio. Porque no nos podemos quedar de brazos cruzados viendo cómo se llevan nuestra dignidad y la venden y la abusan y las desechan.

Porque no podemos seguir alimentando el engaño, la deslealtad y el oportunismo. Porque la semilla que viene naciendo merece saber la verdad, merece crecer en una Latinoamérica que está sanando sus heridas, en un pueblo que no se rinde, que resiste y que exige y que se pronuncia y que no se esconde. En una sociedad que trabaja día a día en la reconstrucción del tejido social. Que manda a juicio a los culpables y los encarcela.

En una sociedad decidida que no busca venganza sino justicia. Para eso es la Memoria Histórica para no olvidar por todo lo que ha pasado esta tierra tan humillada, para que jamás se vuelva a repetir tanta crueldad.

No, no podemos negar la Memoria Histórica, hacerlo es negar nuestro origen, es escupir a nuestros ancestros, es faltarle el respeto a la verdad. Es desechar la dignidad. Es lanzar las semillas a una tierra infértil. ¿Qué es de un pueblo donde los genocidas están libres y caminan por las calles de su país y del mundo con tal descaro de asesinos? ¿Qué es un pueblo donde los dictadores están a mando del gobierno? ¿Inmersos en el sistema y siguen pudriendo y desangrando y fulminándolo? ¿Qué es de un pueblo en silencio, cómodo, esclavizado y apático? ¿Hacia dónde va una Latinoamérica perdida en la ambigüedad del engaño y la omisión?

Necesitamos restaurarnos, encontrar a los desaparecidos, encontrar esas fosas clandestinas, necesitamos que la sangre seca regada por todo el continente sea nuestra dignidad y nuestro arrojo para no doblegarnos ante la embestida de los traidores. ¿Qué nos queda entonces? Continuar y seguir rebelándonos.

Ilka Oliva Corado

Rebelión

Petaloso e Linguapadre sono ormai due neologismi italiani

Ha fatto parlare molto il nuovo vocabolo coniato dal bimbo di Ferrara PETALOSO, ma dal 2013 anche LINGUAPADRE un neologismo.
Leggi articolo
http://www.newnotizie.it/2013/03/da-oggi-si-dira-anche-linguapadre-nn-intervista-carlos-cosmo-gulli-autore-del-neologismo/ 

Henry Ramos Allup héroe sin varita mágica

Lee el articulo
http://www.venezuelalucha.com/henry-ramos-allup-heroe-sin-varita-magica/

Venezuela: The Light at the End of the Tunnel?

For the first time since 1999, Venezuela’s revolutionary socialist regime faces an opposition parliament. But rather than seeking some form of “cohabitation” with its political adversaries, the government has chosen the path of outright confrontation, raising once again the prospect of serious political violence in this nation of 30 million people.
Following its landslide election victory on 6 December, when it won 112 of the 167 seats in the single-chamber National Assembly, the Democratic Unity (MUD) coalition, a multiparty alliance of mainly centrist and centre-left parties formed in 2008, took control of the legislature on 5 January. 

Despite threats from President Nicolás Maduro and other leaders of the ruling United Socialist Party (PSUV) to “take to the streets” in resistance, the hand-over was peaceful, barring some minor violence and moments of tension during the opening session. Thousands of demonstrators from both sides were kept apart by strong contingents of riot police and National Guard troops.
The outgoing parliamentary majority, led by the country’s second most powerful figure, Diosdado Cabello, did not withdraw gracefully. The assembly’s own TV channel, ANTV, was dismantled and its equipment removed. But even if it will no longer have its own television station, at least the assembly will now be open to all journalists, after years in which ANTV’s government propagandists were the only ones allowed in the chamber.


With the swearing-in out of the way, however, a much bigger problem remains to be resolved. While Maduro accepted his defeat within hours of the polls closing, he has so far given no sign of understanding its significance. Rather than seeking to work with the new legislature to resolve the grave economic and social crisis afflicting the country, he has sought to circle the wagons in a bid to resist the change the electorate is clearly seeking.

A long-awaited cabinet reshuffle, announced on 6 January, reconfirmed what the president had been saying: the answer to the crisis is more revolution. As head of the economic team Maduro appointed an ultra-radical, Luis Salas, whose proposals seem guaranteed to tip the country into hyper-inflation and accelerate the collapse of the economy.
In its dying weeks the government-dominated legislature had rushed through a number of laws and other measures designed to block the MUD’s reform program. It took away parliament’s power to appoint members of the Central Bank (BCV) board, for example, and enshrined in law the BCV’s suppression of economic statistics.
But the most ominous move – and one that has already had a major impact – was the hurried replacement of more than a third of the 32-member Supreme Court (TSJ). The thirteen new judges are all government loyalists. Some of them were actually PSUV members of parliament who voted for their own appointments, including the chairman of the selection committee. Many did not meet the legal requirements for the post and the appointments procedure itself was not respected.

The government’s evident aim was to prevent the incoming parliament replacing Supreme Court members due to retire this year. Maduro has made it clear that he will seek to use the court (and in particular its constitutional branch) to block any legislative measures not to the government’s liking. Even before the new parliament was sworn in, the electoral branch of the court took the unusual step of opening during the year-end holidays to admit legal challenges to the election of a dozen MPs, all but one of them opposition members.
The court also approved an injunction to suspend the swearing-in of the four MPs elected for Amazonas state, including three from the opposition, because of alleged vote-buying. The MUD merely delayed their swearing-in for a day. The suspension of the three seats held by opposition Amazonas lawmakers is a vital issue for the MUD, as they give the opposition a “super-majority” that would allow them, among other things, to appoint or dismiss senior officials and even (subject to referendum) rewrite the constitution.
But the PSUV has asked the Supreme Court to declare the parliamentary leadership in contempt. Cabello insists that while they continue to defy the injunction any decision taken by the assembly is null and void. He has called for its funding to be suspended.

Much, if not all, of the opposition’s legislative agenda, which is particularly focused on economic and social measures, is not to the government’s liking. It has also sworn to block the MUD’s promise of an amnesty for political prisoners and exiles. One manoeuvre in particular stands out: within days of the election the government installed an unelected “National Communal Parliament” in the old Senate chamber, through which it claims “the people” will legislate directly.
One possible answer to the judicial blockade is for parliament to reform the law governing the Supreme Court, expanding the number of members to dilute government control. But ultimately, if Maduro holds firm, the only way the opposition can win this political chess game in the medium term is to oust him through constitutional means. Henry Ramos, the new chairman of the National Assembly, has said the MUD will devise a way to do that within six months, unless the government has a change of heart. One possibility is a recall referendum, which under the constitution can be triggered within a few months.
Venezuela’s closest international partner, the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR), has so far remained silent on the Government’s manoeuvers to retain power, although the governments of Argentina, Costa Rica and the U.S. and the Secretary General of the Organization of American States Luis Almagro have raised their voices against the government’s misuse of the judiciary. The Brazilian foreign ministry, in a statement, warned that there was “no place, in 21st-century South America, for political solutions outside the institutional framework and the most absolute respect for democracy and the rule of law”.
The situation is clear: if the assembly is held to be in contempt, and its decisions null and void, the government will for all practical purposes have closed down the elected parliament and abandoned constitutional rule.
The priority for UNASUR and the rest of the international community should be to stop the possibility of Venezuela’s slide into outright dictatorship by holding the government to account under the Inter-American Democratic Charter and other treaties.
A failure to act on the part of Venezuela’s international partners would contribute to further political escalation and the potential destabilisation of the Andean region. A social explosion threatens too. The price of oil, which fuelled the success of the late President Hugo Chávez, continues to hit new lows. Food, medicines and other basic goods are becoming scarcer by the month, and inflation is running at an annualised rate of 500 per cent.
The fact that the opposition was able to achieve a peaceful, democratic change of leadership in the Venezuelan parliament may suggest there is light at the end of the country’s tunnel. But for now no one can be sure it is not the headlight of an oncoming train.
By Phil Gunson

Anyway Maduro is an unintelligent dictator.
Cosmo de La Fuente

Nicolas Maduro, Venezuela’s president, recently announced that if the opposition were to gain a majority in the National Assembly in elections this Sunday, “We would not give up the revolution and … we would govern with the people in a civil-military union.” To ensure that no one would accuse him of not being a true democrat, he clarified that “we would do this with the constitution in hand.” The president conveniently ignored the small detail that the constitution does not have any provision for a “civil-military” government, nor does it give the government the option of disregarding the outcome of an election. What Maduro did stress, however, was that if the revolution fails, “there will be a massacre”—a threat he has repeatedly made throughout the campaign. He usually follows such threats with reassurances that this violence will not ensue since it is impossible for opposition candidates to win enough votes for a legislative majority, which Maduro’s party has enjoyed for the past 17 years.

Read more at: http://carnegieendowment.org/2015/12/04/venezuela-dictatorship-masquerading-as-democracy/imt2

Venezuela's socialist government decreed an "economic emergency" on Friday that will expand its powers and published the first data in a year that shows the depth of a recession fuelled by low oil prices and a sputtering state-led model.
The central bank, which has been lambasted by critics of President Nicolas Maduro's government for hiding statistics since the end of 2014, said the South American OPEC nation's economy shrank 4.5 percent in the first nine months last year.
Inflation soared in that period to an annual rate of 141.5 percent, the world's worst. 
 Venezuela's oil-dependent economy is forecast to perform abysmally again in 2016. Maduro lost control of the National Assembly in a December election due to voter ire over the crisis.
The government's decree, which the opposition-led assembly says it has the power to approve or reject, sets a 60-day "economic emergency" and would give Maduro wider powers to intervene in companies or limit access to currency.
"We are confronting a true storm," Maduro said during his state-of-the-nation address to Congress. "This is not Maduro's storm, as some believe, it is a situation throughout the country that affects every Venezuelan family."
He vowed the country would continue servicing foreign debt despite slipping international reserves, negating growing Wall Street pessimism about a potential default this year.
He also insisted "the time has come" to raise heavily subsidized fuel prices. Economists say doing so is vital to fortifying foreign reserves, but it is a politically costly move that Maduro has avoided despite repeated promises.
National Assembly President Henry Ramos, a longstanding opposition leader, offered a jocular 40-minute response in which he chided Maduro and his policies and laughed off the heckling of Socialist Party lawmakers.


"What angst there is here!" Ramos, 72, said at one point, sticking his tongue out at jeering legislators, during the rare opposition speech broadcast on state television.
WALL STREET GLOOM
Maduro, a former bus driver and foreign minister who was elected to replace Hugo Chavez in 2013, has stuck to his mentor's policies of strict currency and price controls.
With massive shopping lines in Venezuela and widespread shortages of basics from milk to medicines, the government faces mounting pressure to change what critics call a failed model.
Venezuela depends on oil for 96 percent of hard currency revenues. The average price for its basket of oil and refined products fell this week to $24.38, the lowest level in more than 12 years.
"The biggest loser in Latin America of the decline in oil prices is clearly Venezuela. At this point, a credit event in 2016 seems difficult to avoid," Barclays said in a research note.
The heaviest payments in Venezuela's roughly $10 billion foreign debt bill for 2016 come in October and November.
The government blames its woes on the global oil scenario and what it says is economic sabotage by its foes.




"Venezuela is suffering a new generation economic war promoted by web pages which fix the bolivar-dollar relation without any criteria or economic substance," the central bank complained, referring to the Dolar Today website, which publishes a black market currency price to the fury of the government.
The opposition coalition says policy incompetence is responsible for Venezuela's economic mess. It has said it wants to find a constitutional way this year to remove Maduro.
"An emergency economic degree without clear objectives ... is only going to worsen the situation," tweeted local economist Luis Oliveros, a frequent government critic.
According to the central bank, Venezuela's current account deficit was $5.05 billion in the third quarter, hurt by the tumble in prices for its main export.
(Additional reporting by Diego Ore, Eyanir Chinea, Brian Ellsworth and Girish Gupta.
( uk.reuters.com )

Venezuela: A Dictatorship Masquerading as a Democracy

 

 

Nicolas Maduro, Venezuela’s president, recently announced that if the opposition were to gain a majority in the National Assembly in elections this Sunday, “We would not give up the revolution and … we would govern with the people in a civil-military union.” To ensure that no one would accuse him of not being a true democrat, he clarified that “we would do this with the constitution in hand.” The president conveniently ignored the small detail that the constitution does not have any provision for a “civil-military” government, nor does it give the government the option of disregarding the outcome of an election. What Maduro did stress, however, was that if the revolution fails, “there will be a massacre”—a threat he has repeatedly made throughout the campaign. He usually follows such threats with reassurances that this violence will not ensue since it is impossible for opposition candidates to win enough votes for a legislative majority, which Maduro’s party has enjoyed for the past 17 years.

Read more at: http://carnegieendowment.org/2015/12/04/venezuela-dictatorship-masquerading-as-democracy/imt2

Nicolas Maduro, Venezuela’s president, recently announced that if the opposition were to gain a majority in the National Assembly in elections this Sunday, “We would not give up the revolution and … we would govern with the people in a civil-military union.” To ensure that no one would accuse him of not being a true democrat, he clarified that “we would do this with the constitution in hand.” The president conveniently ignored the small detail that the constitution does not have any provision for a “civil-military” government, nor does it give the government the option of disregarding the outcome of an election. What Maduro did stress, however, was that if the revolution fails, “there will be a massacre”—a threat he has repeatedly made throughout the campaign. He usually follows such threats with reassurances that this violence will not ensue since it is impossible for opposition candidates to win enough votes for a legislative majority, which Maduro’s party has enjoyed for the past 17 years.

Read more at: http://carnegieendowment.org/2015/12/04/venezuela-dictatorship-masquerading-as-democracy/imt2

Nicolas Maduro, Venezuela’s president, recently announced that if the opposition were to gain a majority in the National Assembly in elections this Sunday, “We would not give up the revolution and … we would govern with the people in a civil-military union.” To ensure that no one would accuse him of not being a true democrat, he clarified that “we would do this with the constitution in hand.” The president conveniently ignored the small detail that the constitution does not have any provision for a “civil-military” government, nor does it give the government the option of disregarding the outcome of an election. What Maduro did stress, however, was that if the revolution fails, “there will be a massacre”—a threat he has repeatedly made throughout the campaign. He usually follows such threats with reassurances that this violence will not ensue since it is impossible for opposition candidates to win enough votes for a legislative majority, which Maduro’s party has enjoyed for the past 17 years.

Moisés Naím

Distinguished Fellow
International Economics Program

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@MoisesNaim

Maduro, in fact, frequently dismisses the very notion of an opposition victory as, in his cryptic words, a “negated and transmuted scenario.” His self-assurance is surprising considering that almost all opinion polls show an overwhelming public rejection of the government in general and the president in particular. So why is Maduro so

Read more at: http://carnegieendowment.org/2015/12/04/venezuela-dictatorship-masquerading-as-democracy/imt2